Every Nation For Itself

When you look at today’s headlines—geopolitical crises, economic shocks, climate disasters—do you ever wonder who’s actually running the world? In Every Nation for Itself, political analyst Ian Bremmer argues that for the first time since World War II, no one really is. The world has entered what he calls the G-Zero—an era where no single country, alliance, or institution possesses the influence or will to lead globally. This shift affects everything from how governments manage crises to how you navigate your own work and investments within an increasingly unpredictable environment.

Bremmer contends that the old system of global cooperation, built after 1945 under U.S. dominance and sustained by Western-led institutions like the IMF, World Bank, and UN, has eroded. The rise of emerging powers—China, India, Brazil, Turkey, among others—has fragmented international leadership. Meanwhile, the West faces internal debt crises and political paralysis. The result? Every nation must fend for itself in a world without clear rules or referees. This leaderless era ushers in uncertainty but also opportunity—for nimble states, businesses, and individuals able to adapt to shifting power dynamics.

Why the G-Zero Exists

The book traces how we got here. After World War II, America built the Bretton Woods system, establishing institutions to stabilize the global economy and promote free-market democracy. For decades, this system delivered growth and relative peace. The Cold War reinforced clear lines of power between the U.S.-led capitalist bloc and the Soviet-led communist bloc. But when the Berlin Wall fell and globalization took off, many assumed the world had arrived at harmonious U.S.-led liberal capitalism. Then came the shocks—the 9/11 attacks, the Iraq War, the 2008 financial crisis, and the rise of China—that exposed fractures in the very order America had created.

As Bremmer explains, these crises revealed that the United States can no longer afford (or justify) the cost of global leadership. Entitlement expenses, military overstretch, and public disillusionment make it impossible to act as the world’s policeman. Europe is too divided and financially strained, while Japan is stuck in long-term stagnation. Emerging powers, on the other hand, are too focused on domestic growth to take on global burdens—and their values differ sharply from the Western model. Thus, global challenges like climate change, cyber warfare, and pandemics go unmanaged. The G-Zero is born of both declining will and rising complexity.

Why It Matters to You

If no country can—or wants to—lead, what does that mean for your world? Bremmer notes that problems once solved through multinational cooperation now demand self-reliance and strategic adaptability. Nations will make decisions based primarily on national interest, sometimes at the expense of global progress. Business leaders will face fragmented markets and shifting standards. Citizens will experience both instability and opportunity in a system without clear rules.

For example, during the Copenhagen climate summit in 2009, the failure to form a global consensus wasn’t just about differing policy goals—it revealed the deeper inability of states to compromise. No one had enough leverage to enforce cooperation. The same dynamic applies to financial crises, cybersecurity, and resource distribution. Countries will act unilaterally or in small regional blocs, changing alliances as interests evolve. For individuals, this means living in a world defined less by stability and more by rapid transitions and local competition.

The Promise and Peril of a Leaderless Era

Bremmer’s narrative is not purely pessimistic. The G-Zero also creates space for creative diplomacy and innovation. Just as Darwin taught that survival favors adaptability, Bremmer suggests that “pivot states” and “adapters”—countries and companies flexible enough to build diverse relationships—will thrive. Brazil, Turkey, Singapore, and corporations like Tata or Petrobras demonstrate how agility, independence, and pragmatism can turn uncertainty into advantage.

Yet the risks are real: resource wars, cyberattacks, regional conflict, and economic fragmentation could intensify. Without an anchor for global governance, crises can spiral faster. Bremmer warns that the world might not return to a stable order until it experiences a major shock—perhaps environmental catastrophe or systemic financial collapse—that forces cooperation anew (much like WWII birthed Bretton Woods). Until then, the G-Zero demands states and citizens become smarter, quicker, and more self-sufficient.

Core Message

Global leadership isn’t dead—it’s just decentralized. In Bremmer’s view, the 21st century won’t be controlled by empires or alliances but by adaptability itself. Understanding the G-Zero isn’t about predicting collapse; it’s about learning to navigate the world’s new fluid order.

Bremmer begins his analysis with a powerful historical lesson: after World War II, America’s victory transformed it into the world’s single superpower—the G1. Through the Bretton Woods system, the U.S. tethered global currencies to the dollar, rebuilding Europe and Japan while promoting democracy and free markets. It created institutions—the IMF, World Bank, and later NATO—that enforced order and prevented global financial collapse.

The Postwar Blueprint

This system gave the U.S. unmatched leverage. Having suffered far less destruction than Europe or Asia, America emerged with booming industry and gold reserves controlling half the world’s supply. The Marshall Plan injected billions into Europe’s reconstruction, creating loyalty among Western states and embedding American values in their institutions. Countries like Germany and Japan turned from defeated enemies into economic success stories, their growth aligning with American goals. Together with Britain, France, and others, Washington formed the G6, later G7—a club of capitalist democracies leading the world’s economy and security.

Shifting Foundations

But even the strongest pillars crack. The 1970s brought oil shocks, inflation, and rising competition. Bretton Woods collapsed when Nixon ended the dollar’s convertibility to gold, erasing global monetary stability. OPEC’s embargo revealed that even Western power could be weaponized against itself. The Cold War sustained unity through a common enemy—the Soviet Union—but once communism fell, that shared purpose evaporated. Globalization, originally fostered by the U.S., introduced emerging economies eager to join the game but not necessarily to play by American rules.

The Rise of the Rest

By the 1990s and early 2000s, Asia’s Tigers (South Korea, Taiwan, Singapore, Hong Kong) had learned to manufacture prosperity. China under Deng Xiaoping embraced capitalism selectively, using “special economic zones” to lure foreign investment while maintaining political control. When the Soviet Union imploded, fifteen new states emerged, and Russia began rebuilding under Vladimir Putin’s oil-fueled nationalism. The European Union expanded and introduced the euro, but its unity remained brittle. As globalization lifted hundreds of millions from poverty, it also transferred power away from Washington and toward diverse regional actors. In a world of strong new players—India, Brazil, Turkey—the G7 model could no longer hold.

Through each historical pivot, Bremmer points out, America’s dominance weakened not because others challenged it directly, but because success multiplied participants faster than leadership could manage. Like an overextended CEO, the U.S. found itself responsible for sustaining global systems while shareholders multiplied in competing directions. The financial crisis of 2008 was the final wake-up call: a reminder that America’s economic excesses could topple not just itself but the world. When France’s president appealed to China for help saving the Eurozone, Beijing’s refusal symbolized the new reality—no one was ready to rescue anyone else.

Key Lesson

The road from global order to G-Zero runs through history: each stage of cooperation contains seeds of fragmentation. What began as American stewardship evolved into economic pluralism, then power dispersion. By the 2010s, the leader of the free world was too indebted to lead.

In a G-Zero world, Bremmer warns, the absence of leadership breeds instability. Without shared institutions capable of enforcing compromise, nations act alone—creating a chaotic feedback loop. Three domains reveal how this logic unfolds: conflict zones, economic fragmentation, and collapsing global standards.

Unstable Regions

The Middle East and Asia are the prime examples. In the Middle East, the U.S. withdrawal from Iraq and Afghanistan leaves local powers—Saudi Arabia, Iran, and Turkey—struggling for dominance. Revolutions in Tunisia, Egypt, and Libya have birthed fragile governments without clear allies. As Bremmer writes, even previously stable monarchies like Jordan and Morocco now look inward for survival. Without American guidance, power consolidates in smaller circles like the Gulf Cooperation Council, forming security networks driven by fear rather than cooperation.

Asia presents its own powder keg. Between China’s assertiveness in the South China Sea, North Korea’s nuclear brinkmanship, and India-Pakistan rivalry, regional trust is scarce. The U.S. tries to counterbalance Chinese influence through trade partnerships, yet its shrinking defense budget undermines credibility. As Singapore’s Kishore Mahbubani quipped, “China will still be here in a thousand years; America, maybe not a hundred.” These anxieties create a vacuum filled by local militarization, nationalism, and cyberaggression.

Economic Fragmentation

Trade once unified the world; now, it divides it. The G-Zero magnifies protectionism. Countries prioritize local jobs and industries, often through tariffs and subsidies. State capitalism (China, Russia, Saudi Arabia) competes with private capitalism (U.S., Europe), each manipulating currencies and resources. Food, oil, and water become political weapons. Bremmer cites agflation—the global surge in food prices during 2007–2008—as proof that scarcity drives conflict faster than ideology. In a leaderless environment, crises like droughts and energy shortages turn into zero-sum games, as national stockpiling replaces international cooperation.

Broken Global Standards

Even technological norms fracture in the G-Zero. Without consensus, cybersecurity and information flows become battlegrounds between open systems (ICANN, the Western Internet) and authoritarian “firewalls” (China’s Great Firewall or Iran’s national Internet). The challenge isn’t just censorship; it’s fragmentation. Bremmer notes that emerging powers push their own tech standards, forcing companies to adapt to divergent regulations—a phenomenon he dubs the “Splinternet.” Meanwhile, cyberattacks escalate into quasi-military conflicts. As Leon Panetta warned, future wars may begin in code, not combat.

From climate change paralysis to water scarcity along the Nile and Himalayas, the G-Zero exposes how many of humanity’s greatest problems depend on leadership that no longer exists. It is not only geopolitical but existential. The failure of cooperation at Copenhagen taught that scientific consensus is powerless without political will. The result: a world reactive to crisis, not preventive.

Essential Warning

The G-Zero functions like an elaborate game of musical chairs—when the music stops, nations panic to secure resources, alliances, and power. Without a conductor, every player fights to protect their seat.

Not everyone suffers in the G-Zero. Bremmer identifies distinct categories of winners and losers—shaped by adaptability, geography, and strategy. The era rewards flexibility and punishes dependency. Countries that pivot intelligently or protect specific security assets will thrive; those clinging to old systems will decline.

Pivot States

These are nations nimble enough to build ties across competing powers. Brazil, Turkey, and Indonesia exemplify this adaptability. Brazil, balancing relations with both the U.S. and China, turns Latin America’s stability into leverage. Turkey’s strategic geography—bridging Europe, Asia, and the Middle East—lets it trade with all sides while pursuing regional influence. Indonesia acts as Southeast Asia’s quiet champion of pluralism and modernization. Africa, Bremmer adds, might even become a “pivot continent,” attracting investment from both established and emerging states.

Rogues and Protectors

Some nations succeed by breaking rules or harnessing specific advantages. North Korea and Iran exploit asymmetry—developing nuclear leverage to deter intervention. Myanmar uses its resource wealth to court both China and the West. Meanwhile, protectors, like defense contractors or cybersecurity firms (Lockheed, Raytheon, Google), profit from fear itself. Bremmer compares this to Darwinian adaptation: the smart survive by anticipating threats rather than conforming to old norms.

Referees and Dinosaurs

Among the losers, “referee” institutions—NATO, the IMF, and the World Bank—lose effectiveness. Built for a world they no longer represent, these bodies struggle to reform fast enough. Authoritarian governments block NGOs or watchdogs like Human Rights Watch, eroding accountability. Then come the dinosaurs: bloated corporations and state enterprises that fail to adapt. Bremmer cites China’s State Development & Investment Corporation—once vital for water desalination but now uncompetitive—as a warning of bureaucratic stagnation.

Shadow States and Exposed States

Mexico epitomizes the shadow state—too dependent on one partner (the U.S.) to act independently. Ukraine remains trapped between Russia’s push and Europe’s pull. Exposed states, like Japan, Taiwan, and Israel, rely too heavily on American protection while questioning whether that safeguard still exists. Without adaptation, their security weakens.

Survival Wisdom

In the G-Zero, success equals agility. “Winners have options,” Bremmer writes. “Losers don’t.” The future belongs not to those with the biggest armies or economies, but to those with the broadest playbooks.

Bremmer doesn’t see the G-Zero as permanent. Like any vacuum, it demands to be filled. History tells us that chaos often breeds cooperation—the way World War II birthed Bretton Woods. The question is what structure will emerge next. He sketches four potential futures, from renewed partnership to complete fragmentation.

1. The G2: U.S.–China Cooperation

In this version, Washington and Beijing share global leadership, managing trade, climate, and security collaboratively. For that to happen, China must adopt transparency and rule-of-law reforms, while America must stabilize its finances and abandon unilateralism. It’s plausible but unlikely—China still resists taking global burdens, and mutual distrust runs deep. A crisis—say, an oil shock or cyber disaster—might temporarily force cooperation.

2. A Concert of Nations (Functional G20)

Here, major economies band together through necessity. Like 19th-century Europe’s Concert of Powers, this system could emerge after a massive global crisis—perhaps a financial collapse or a pandemic—that forces coordination. Yet the diversity of interests among the G20 makes unity fleeting; collaboration happens only when everyone suffers simultaneously.

3. Cold War 2.0

The opposite of cooperation: U.S.–China rivalry defining global relations. Economic and cyber conflicts replace ideological warfare, but polarization remains. Smaller states would pick sides, reviving a world of divided blocs. Interdependence might mute open war, yet hostility would dominate diplomacy.

4. World of Regions

Bremmer’s most realistic scenario sees fragmented regional leadership. Saudi Arabia anchors the Gulf, Germany consolidates Europe, Brazil shapes Latin America, and China dominates East Asia. Cooperation occurs within, not across, regions—leading to uneven progress but relative stability. Pivot states thrive; global institutions fade into irrelevance.

5. The G-Subzero

His wild card: complete internal fragmentation. If crises undermine central governments—through debt, revolutions, or environmental collapse—local actors seize control. Separatist movements in Europe, provincial fiefdoms in Asia and Africa, or gang-run economies could erode state authority. A truly leaderless world risks descending below zero—into chaos without coherence.

Main Idea

The G-Zero is not a steady state—it’s a transition. Whether the next era rebuilds global cooperation or fragments further depends on how nations respond to crisis. The harder the fall, the stronger the eventual rebuilding could be.

In his final chapter, Bremmer argues that the U.S. still holds the key to escaping the G-Zero. American decline isn’t destiny—it’s a choice. The nation must rebuild internally to regain global relevance. As Thomas Paine wrote, “We have it in our power to begin the world over again.” That is exactly what Bremmer urges: a renewal of American purpose grounded in adaptation and humility.

Rebuilding from Within

The United States, Bremmer insists, remains unmatched in its capacity for innovation, democracy, and cultural influence. English will continue as the global language; American universities and technology hubs will keep attracting talent. Yet internal dysfunction—debt, partisan gridlock, failing infrastructure, and low educational performance—erode credibility. To regain leadership, America must embrace practical compromise: reform entitlements, prioritize infrastructure and education, and cut wasteful defense spending. Public willingness to sacrifice will determine whether the U.S. recovers its stature or fades further.

Adapting Foreign Policy

Bremmer endorses cost-conscious strategy over ideology. The “lead from behind” approach used in Libya (2011) illustrates how the U.S. can enable collective action without bearing all costs. Military dominance should be reimagined as partnership facilitation, not unilateral intervention. Free trade agreements, such as the Trans-Pacific Partnership, represent smarter tools for influence—cheaper and longer lasting than wars. By competing through innovation rather than occupation, America can reinvest in globalization intelligently.

A Return to Purpose

Ultimately, Bremmer’s message is optimistic: America’s cultural resilience and entrepreneurial spirit can transform crisis into renewal, just as in prior eras. The G-Zero will end, but how it ends depends on whether the U.S. leads by example or continues to drift. Leadership today means rebuilding trust—between parties, allies, and citizens. The world doesn’t need another empire; it needs a functioning model of adaptability. That, Bremmer concludes, is where America still has unique power.

Essential Takeaway

Recovery begins at home. If America can realign its economy and values, its leadership will emerge not from dominance but from credibility—the kind of influence that others choose to follow, not fear.